![]() The failure of those talks - including the Palestinian leadership’s walking away from the Camp David negotiations in 2000 - led many Israeli voters to give up on the idea of peace and support conservative parties. One important cause was the breakdown of peace talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders in the early 2000s. The Israeli left, by contrast, has been marginalized and has not led the government since 2001. Netanyahu has always been on Israel’s political right, but he was long able to build alliances with the center. In today’s newsletter, we’ll explain why the later stages of Netanyahu’s political career are turning out to be more chaotic than anything that came before. “Hyper-personalized, populist rule achieved by gutting institutional checks and balances is how democracies devolve into mobocracies,” Bret wrote. And many military officers have said they would refuse to report for duty.īret Stephens, another Times Opinion columnist - who has often been sympathetic to Netanyahu’s policies - has criticized the judicial plan as a threat to Israel’s moral standing. Ehud Barak, a former prime minister, has encouraged Israelis to engage in civil disobedience if the proposal becomes law. His government’s proposal to reduce the power of Israel’s Supreme Court has created what our Opinion colleague Thomas Friedman calls the nation’s “ biggest internal clash since its founding.” Hundreds of thousands of Israelis - approaching 5 percent of the population - participated in protests last weekend. Yet that’s what Netanyahu has done in recent weeks. Political leaders who have already been in office for more than 15 years - which is how long Benjamin Netanyahu has been Israel’s prime minister - do not typically upend their country’s politics.
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